Thuingaleng Muivah, the General Secretary of NSCN (I-M), wants to visit his village. And the Manipur Government bars him from dropping in on his own village where he was born and brought up. In the events that ensued, two young students were shot death and many injured and tormented.
Many have drawn attention to the flagrant violation of basic human right here. Everyone, they assert, has the right to visit his or her birth place. But no one, as far as I’m concern, has pointed out the extent to which people in power can flex their muscle. Briefly put, might is right – it was and it still is. The power, in this case, is not only inherent in the Manipur government, but it effectively draws its strength from the central government.
A journalist friend of mine once said that the Nagas, even if it constitutes a small amount of population, play a significant role in Manipur’s political scene. The Nagas, he argued, have two chief ministers of Manipur. He has a good point. Besides hanging onto for more than one tenure, Rishang Keishing enjoys immense political clout. (“Keishing ruled for over 10 years. Between 1981 and 1986, he was the uninterrupted chief minister. He was re-elected and ruled until 1988. He came back to the hot seat in 1994 and was chief minister until 1997.”) Certainly, Keishing, for that matter other leaders, could have done much more for the Nagas or the tribals just as the Meitei have done for the plain. For instance, Keishing could have created a band of Naga MCS and MPS. Had there been a strong Naga presence in the Manipur’s administrative and executive forces, the Mao gate event could have been a different story. Driven by egoistical interest to remain in power, however, our leaders by way of placating and keeping the Meitei in good humour turn a blind eye to the flagrant besiegement of the government jobs by the Meitei.
We know that 31 per cent of all government jobs in Manipur is reserved for the STs. According to the ATSUM’s Press Statement of 28 Feb, 2008, Education department (second only to Home department in terms of jobs provision) has 3037 STs (25 percent) out of 12140 employees. That is to say, there is a backlog of about 700 ST posts. In the teaching faculty of Manipur University, there were 2 tribal lecturers (or 1.6 percent) out of 121. When Manipur University was converted into Central University, 90 teachers (21 posts of Professor, 26 Readers and 23 Lecturers) were recruited and none of them were tribal. Put differently, when there should be at least 69 tribal teachers in Manipur University, there are only 2 tribals working as a regular teacher. Two others, if I’m not misinformed, are working as guest lecturers; and one of them is retiring as a guest lecturer.
Other departments carry the same dismal story. The State’s Legislative Assembly Secretariat, for instance, has only 24 tribals (or 7 percent) out of the total 305 regular employees. What’s more, almost all of the top posts in all the departments are hogged by the Meitei. Again in Manipur University, of the 45 non-teaching faculty tribal employees, 10 are peons, 7 sweepers, 3 chowkidars and most of the other employees are assistants of various faculties.
The Meitei have long been marginalizing and exploiting the Manipur tribal. The depressing economic condition of the tribal is clearly indicated by the “District Infrastructure Index” (DII) published and prepared by the Ministry of DoNER (Development of North Eastern Region). The DII is based on 7 indicators: transport, energy, water supply, education, health care, communication infrastructure and banking facility. Imphal West District is ranked at the first place among all the 80 districts of the 8 North-East states; Imphal East is at 6th position, Thoubal 11th and Bishnupur 18th. These four districts constitute the Imphal valley inhabited mostly by the Meiteis. The Kukis live in Churachandpur district which is ranked at 76th; the Nagas occupy the other four districts – Senapati placed at 45th, Ukhrul 68th, Tamenglong 75th and Chandel 78th (for detail see Kirti Saxena’s “Facilitating Development.” Yojana – North-East Special Issue. Dec. 2009 Vol. No 53. MIB: New Delhi). As expected (since education is a good indicator of development), Imphal West has the highest literacy rate at 80.61 percent, but Churachandpur stands at 74.67 percent. In terms of literacy rate, then, the difference between the two districts is negligible, whereas difference in the developmental level of the two is simply phenomenal: if Imphal West has the best infrastructure among the NE districts, Churachandpur has the worst. Talking of laying infrastructure, when National Game of India was held in Manipur in 1999, all the sports infrastructure was laid in the valley. Not a single stadium was built in the hills.
When Muivah is barred from visiting his village, every Naga wonders if no less than Muivah can be thus insulted where does an ordinary Naga stand in Manipur? What is the future of Manipur’s tribal in general? Indeed Nagas give unstinted support to Muivah, but the support is strengthened and intensified primarily by the general feeling of being marginalized and exploited by the Meitei. “If Meiteis get away with this, we will forever live under Meitei’s control,” is the general voice. Let’s face the fact: the popularity of NSCN is at its lowest ebb; the NSCN’s hype of “Goodbye Manipur, Welcome Nagaland” came to utter fiasco and the initial gusto of reuniting with the Nagas of Nagaland is greatly dampened.
Against this backdrop, Muivah’s visit may be seen as an effort to whip up public’s support and rejuvenate the movement. His visit, so to say, could have implications, but only if it is made to. It could be made into a kind of symbolic victory like Garibaldi’s Red Shirt’s famous entrance into Sicily the success of which marks the beginning of the unification of Italy. However, NSCN hardly made any preparation except for shelling out money here and there. The visit is by no means a “strategically planned” one as Patricia Mukhim claimed in the article “Can Civil Society be Partisan.” Absurd as it may sound, Muivah’s “Welcome Home” plaque is laid side by side with NREGS’ stone at Phungreitang as though attributing them the same extent of achievement just as the White colonial rulers used to equate Indians and dogs when they stick at restaurant’s signboard reading “Indians and dogs are not allowed.” Above all, there is no sign of reformation among the NSCN and any concrete effort to reduce corruption. In a talk on Kashmir problem at Gwyer Hall, a Lt. Colonel said that the idea of pumping money into Nagaland is to soften the insurgents. “Between you and me,” he said, “We’re closing in on them. Made docile with money, NE insurgency is not a problem.” As Nandita Haksar said the GOI’s counter-insurgency strategy in the guise of Cease Fire is proceeding as India planned. Truly, corruption has caught up on every organizations and departments. Had Muivah visited, he would have a lot of explanations to do; perhaps, he would have come home a discomfiting figure.
Knowingly, the Home Ministry Affair asked the Manipur government to provide necessary protection to Muivah in his home-coming. It’s beyond me to see in this act any relationship between the so-called Manipur’s “territorial integrity” and “Greater Nagalim.” However, apparently Manipur government perceived it as Central government’s endorsement to Naga’s claim for “Greater Nagalim.” Aya A. Shimray sees it as O Ibobi Singh’s political gimmick “to divert the attention and consolidate his political chair by drumming up the issue of territorial integrity”:
Already, Ibobi’s prospect of clinging to the CM post appears to be in jeopardy with all employees of the state up in arms for 6th Pay Commission arrears and the tribals of Manipur demanding for re-amendment to Autonomous District Council Act. All developmental works in the state has come to a grinding halt due to these protests and a change of political leadership was quite imminent.
When Union home secretary GK Pillai was asked on a national news channel about the Manipur situation, he simply said that the Centre did not foresee any uncalled-for situation by allowing Muivah visit his birthplace. Perhaps, Pillai does not foresee it or perhaps everything was contrived. Whatever the reason is, the central government has easily reduced years of struggle for Naga sovereignty to that of Naga integrity. And Naga integrity is even made to look like a mammoth task. Art 3 of Indian Constitution clearly states that Parliament may by law form a new state, increase or diminish the area of any State, alter the boundaries or name of any state. Had the central government willed, so to say, Manipur state could be redrawn. And it could have easily preempted Manipur government’s effort to bar Muivah’s visit.
The issue of Muivah’s visit, as I’ve said, is almost negligible but Meiteis under Ibobi by successfully making a mountain out of a molehill show that Manipur is absolutely ruled by them, that they can even restrict the movement of any Manipur tribal at their own sweet will. In order to make their interest looks like common interest, they even pull in the support of many Kuki organizations. Ibobi’s government incites communal feelings by mentioning that Muivah is a criminal who has massacred many Kukis during the Naga-Kuki conflict. One Kuki organization was so inspired to go to the extent of asking a preposterous demand – if Muivah come to Manipur with all the Kukis killed in the Naga-Kuki clash, they would readily roll out red carpet to him. Even God would only wake the dead in the Judgment Day. In the Naga-Kuki conflict, many Kukis were indeed killed by the Nagas; similarly, many Nagas were also killed by the Kukis.
In fact, there are many similarities between the Nagas and the Kukis. And so were their differences huge. We may put it this way: there are as many similarities and differences between the Nagas and the Kukis as there are similarities and differences between the different Naga tribes. Owing to their similarities, British ethnographers fail to ascribe some tribes as the Kukis or the Nagas. The Kukis, for instance, practiced the Feasts of Merit, headhunting, Morung system (most like the Sema); their religious belief was similar to what many Nagas believed, now they are Christians like the Nagas; their rituals, festivals, dresses, ornaments, etc. are in many ways similar to but also different from what many Naga tribes practiced, so are there striking differences among the Nagas as there are similarities. If the wound of Naga-Kuki would not heal, despite the similarities of their culture and interest, it is because Meiteis have been smoothly playing divide and rule policy by setting the tribes against each other so that they can perpetuate their domination over the tribals. The result is of course the accumulation of wealth in the plain and the widespread poverty in the hills.
Since the State’s apparatuses are at the hand of the Meiteis, they would employ, for instance, State’s military and police forces when it serves their interest. Hearing Muivah’s plan to visit, the State’s military and police forces were swiftly deployed to block the entry of the Naga leader. However, when Kuki or Naga villages were burnt during the ethnic clash, the State’s forces took days to reach to the site of incident. Interestingly, among the four police officers deployed at strategic points such as Mao Gate and Jessami village in Ukhrul district, three were Kukis: IPS, L.Kailun, IPS and Clay Khongsai, IPS under the direct supervision of V. Zathang, IPS, IG (Law & Order). The stratagem seems to be this: if any untoward incident happens, Nagas would know whom to blame. Besides, the Government has allotted “designated camps” to Kuki underground as per cease-fire agreement at strategic places – one at Chassad near Kamjong and another at Gwalthabi near Yaiangpokpi (both inside Ukhrul District). As said keeping the Nagas and the Kukis at loggerheads serve their interest and the Meitei ingenuously finds the means of planting bones of contention between the tribes.
Meitei would raise hue and cry when a Meitei is killed; meanwhile, many tribals’ deaths have gone unnoticed. When Th Kishen, a Meitei SDO (Kasom Khullen), was brutally murdered the whole valley boiled with rage. Strikes were organized and ban imposed for days. And the deceased family was amply compensated. Many tribal officers have also been killed and their deaths have largely been slighted. Thangthom (DIG of Manipur police) was murdered by a Meitei underground; one day’s strike was organized. Major Shimreingam Shaiza (Retd. Major of Bihar Regiment) was also killed when Manipur’s police commando sprayed bullets at his car without any provocation. There was hardly any display of public rage against the excesses of the underground outfits or the commandoes in the both cases. Now, Shaiza’s widow is living off his pension. It won’t come as a surprise if Thangthom’s widow meets the same fate, that is, unlike the fate of Kishen’s widow who is made an SDO (herself).
Another stratagem to eat away the tribal’s power and rights and to gradually drive into their hands, the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council (Third Amendment) Act was enacted by the Manipur Legislative Assembly in 2008. Some insidious provisions include, enabling non-tribal not only the right to vote but stand as a member of the District Council; empowering the District Council to acquire lands, sell the land to non-tribals and manage any forest as they deem right; empowering “the District Council to recommend legislation on the matters of inheritance of property, marriage and divorce and social custom”; investing the power into the hands of government to legislate on matters relating to the appointment or succession of village chiefs (for detail see www.npmhr.org).
Besides repressive forces Meiteis spread their value system through media. Recognizing the potency of cinema, filming Hindi movie is banned in Imphal. The local film industry is booming. Manipuri films (in which Meitei’s lifestyle and value system are demonstrated as worth emulating) are hugely popular in the hills. Indeed many tribals take pride in speaking impeccable Manipuri. Owing to these years of domination, Meiteis are far ahead of the tribals in almost every field. With their superior presence in the media and power sharing, it is not surprising if the Meitei win people’s sympathy even in the outcome of Mao Gate incident. In the CNN-IBN interview with the spokesperson of NSF, the two anchors reiterated the sufferings of the people in the plain because of the road blockage. In reality, the hills suffered much more. Imphal is literally the centre of Manipur from where every commodity is distributed. Right after the blockage, no commodity was allowed to take out of the valley. Long before the valley faced the shortage of essential commodities, the stock of goods had already run out in the hills.
I’m not trying to paint the Meitei as black and the tribal as white. It may also be pointed that Meiteis constitute about 55 percent of the state’s population, and they live in the Imphal valley along with Pangal (Muslims), Nepalis, Bengalis. Therefore, identifying the plain with the Meitei is not entirely appropriate. Nevertheless in matters of development there is certainly a Plain-Hill dichotomy. If different groups of people are to co-exist, equal opportunity should be provided. For a start, since the tribals make up 34.2 percent of the total population, the reservation policy of allocating 31 percent to the tribals could be implemented in letters and spirit.
No comments:
Post a Comment