Saturday, October 30, 2010

Are We Waiting for Another “Light”: The Advent of Education and Ideology


In the twentieth century, it is said, the propagation of education will consist not in instructing how to read and write, but in imparting how to unlearn, learn and re-learn. Of course, literacy is just a step in the process of what they call formal education. “Informal education refers to the general social process by which human beings acquire the knowledge and skills needed to function in their culture.”[1]
Our ancestors were educated people. And when the British brought “the light” to them, it was the so-called “formal education” or otherwise called “the western education.” Judged by the glowing accounts left by the British, our ancestors did charm them. The British extolled their simplicity, honesty, truthfulness but the White men could not appreciate the education that nurtured such qualities; they would not differentiate between the education that our ancestors had acquired in the course of life and the education that they brought. On the contrary, our forefathers were all written off as uneducated lots. Our ideas of education thus began from a wrong footing.
There are two important issues:
·         Education came from alien culture.
·         Education was imparted primarily for religious reasons.
Imaginably, the British must have fascinated our ancestors too. Imagine how the ancestors could have regarded the weapons of destruction and the White men’s physical appearance, just to pick out two aspects.
The coming of the British, we all agree, is a historic event. It was a meeting of two alien cultures (where there was no meeting point). The British had long abandoned simple community living to become a modern state society. They had years of experience in every inconceivable ways of life – arts, philosophy, war, crime, corruption. Our ancestors must have indulged in some of these things, but our history is as far back as forefathers’ memory could take us. The sum of our knowledge was, as it were, merely stored in the folklore. 
The contact between the two may be compared to an encounter between a sophisticated lady informed by years and number of amorous experiences and a young man with his “first moustache” in his first passion. Both are enamoured, the lady because of the young man’s simplicity and the young man because of her sophisticated wisdom. But such relationships are likely to fail. And so does John Keats dramatize in his poem “La Belle Dame sans Merci.” She could fall out of love without much emotional ado, but for the young man she could remain as the most enchanting figure in his memory.
In a sense, we are like the young man still ailing from the internalized enchantment with everything that pertains to the West, coupled with a self-defeating attitude. The situation bears a close similarity with what the Algerians are said to have experienced as described by Franz Fanon in Black Skin and White Mask. The British, it is needless to point out, had long erased the memory of such contact; at best, the memory of the “affair” is documented in some dingy volumes in some libraries. 
These days, the modes of West-obsession are no longer ostentatious, more internalized than open, so to speak. Most flashily, it may be noticed in the desire to imitate western life-styles. Sometimes, it takes the form of what Chinua Achebe calls “Cargo Dream” (which is believed to be common among the post-colonial countries), i.e., dreaming that the West may someday bring cargoes full of goodies and save us from our backwardness. It seems to me, we no longer believe that freedom would come from ourselves but through western intervention – a “Cargo Dream.” Sometimes, it may manifest in such assumption as considering education obtained from outside Manipur as more desirable. In fact, the further one moves from Manipur, the more trustworthy and reliable he becomes. Otherwise, it makes little sense why we should be sending millions of rupees every month to our sons and daughters while we are reeling under poverty. In a subterranean mode, it may take the form of psychologically moulding our minds into entertaining complacent belief that the Underground would bring us real development. (Perhaps, it’s this belief that tricks us into taking such a long while to realize that the Underground are becoming the actual hurdle towards our development.) It may also take the form of entertaining such hope as to wait for the day when Christianity/Christ would bring us the times of happiness. However, that promised happiness seems more like in the next world than in this life. But we also believe in the dictum – “God helps to those who help themselves.” It’s not difficult to see then why the “quick-rich” attitude is so insidiously entrenched in our mindsets. Hard-work, saving pennies to build an “empire” is certainly not in our sense of dignity of labour. Most of us seem to demand, at least “unconsciously”: if richness has to come let it be here and right now – let the pleasurable times be instantaneous like the cargo full of goodies or the day of independence from India/Myanmar or from all worldly-sufferings.
To come back to the analogy of the femme fatale and the young man, imagine how damaging would be the effect on the young man if the lady has a design on him, if she, convinced of her superiority in every ways, attempts to recast him in her image irrespective of the young man’s feelings, beliefs, outlooks. A little background may help us better appreciate the detrimental effects.
From the “primitive society,” as said, the British had moved to a modern state hundreds years back. The shift to a “civilized,” modern society is believed to be attended by an important change of humans’ attitude towards the world around them – from viewing nature as animated with lives (that is, in terms of relation) to considering nature as an object (or as something to be experienced). With the advancement of science and technology, the West had been progressively successful in controlling nature. Nature became an object meant for humans to experience and to serve their interests. As early as in the eighteenth century, Rousseau perceives the danger of this notion and advocates the concept of what he calls “Noble Savage.” Spurred by such ideas, the Romantic poets began to find akin spirit in Spinoza’s idea of humans as a part of nature. However, their voices were drowned in the frenzy of progress intended to control nature; eventually some human beings become, like nature, objects meant to be controlled and meant to serve other humans. The revolutionary cry, “All men are equal” was applicable to White men alone, not even to their womenfolk for a long time. The American women, for instance, gained the right to vote as late as in 1920. The right to vote exists only in name for the African men and women until the Voting Right Act of 1965. In the words of George Orwell: “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal.” 
The land that spreads the Words of God also disseminates the idea that the Whites are superior to coloured peoples. “Great Britain was the mightiest superpower in the world and its empire was built on the backs of slaves” and on the exploitation of the wealth of other nations. By sponging the water of the Ganga, the British emptied into the Thames. The Ganga was left dried and bleeding. “By the late eighteenth century, over eleven millions African men, women and children had been taken from Africa to be used as slaves …”[2] Common signboard written on the entrance of bars, restaurants, hotel, etc.: “Chinese and Dogs are Not Allowed” and so were Indian, Japanese, Negroes, in fact, any kind of people except the Whites. In other words, the Chinese and dogs are in the same category – both are lowly animals. Gandhiji was thrown out of a moving train just because he was a coloured man. Gandhi was rich enough to afford a first class ticket, but the White men assumed that they alone should occupy the first class seats. Until the middle of twentieth century, there were separate schools for the black and the white people. The assumption is simply this: the very presence of a black desecrates the sanctity of the institution, the place, or whatever.
The lands that spread the ideas of equality, fraternity, universal love, human dignity also witnessed two world wars that swept across the entire world. The human casualties speaks for itself the unspeakable inhumanity perpetrated in the wars. In the World War first, more than 10 million were killed and more than 20 million wounded. In the WWII, three-fourths of the world’s population (about 1.7 billion) took part. The human cost is estimated at 55 million dead—25 million in the military and 30 million civilians. The two atom bombs killed about 240,000 people according to Japanese estimate. Of course, US put the number of killed or missing at 100,000 to 110,000. About 5.6 to 5.9 million Jews were simply exterminated in the holocaust.[3] Their only crime was simply they were Jews.
Of course, one cannot help but appreciate the courage and the passion of the western pioneers who spread Christianity even to the peoples in the remotest parts of the world. However, it is also worthwhile to note that education came to us from the culture that preached love but killed, that proclaimed equality but enslaved.
To the British the Naga was just an ethnic group among hundreds of other groups in different parts of the world. That is to say, they never accorded the Naga any kind of special status. Some regarded the Nagas as “fine, stalwart race” (Rowney 99), but on the whole “cunning, vindictive and treacherous” (Mills 114); “snake-like in their habits” (Dalton 400); “feeble” who cannot aspire honour in the European sense, that is, “to court fame or victory in contempt of danger and death” (Robinson 539); with no religion but had “‘confused and faint ideas’ of divine power”; in short, “savages,” “a very uncivilized race … hideously wild” (Butler 515) or “wild uncivilized tribes” (Mills 284).[4] Henry Balfour wrote in his foreword to J. P. Mills’ The Ao Nagas:
My main point is that the Nagas, with their fine physique, intelligence, and considerable potentialities, are worth preserving and are capable of improvement if a process of gradual successive changes be adopted, and if they are allowed to absorb the ideas of higher culture in small doses whose effects may be cumulative (xii-xiii).[5]
In other words, Nagas are “worth preserving” like specimens in museums, and if required doses of “the ideas of higher culture” are injected, Nagas have the potentialities to progress (and perhaps become like white men ultimately). The Nagas were no more than a “specimen,” or an “object.” And the British largely succeeded in having us internalized the idea that development could only come not from within us but from outside. If Nagas have “intelligence, and considerable potentialities,” for God’s sake, they do have the power to improve by themselves. Well, introducing “the ideas of higher culture” (whatever it means) or simply knowledge from outside world would greatly help. Our life could have been quite different had the “medication” of “the ideas of higher culture” been administered as one would to humans and not to “specimens” or dogs.
The value of education was felt much later when few of the Christian converts, owing to their acquirement of little western education, became government officers and in course of time, leaders in every fields. It was perhaps when the idea of the West as an ideal took a firm form of idealized father figure, a shadow and an illusion. Since it is an ideal, we can never hope to attain it but only imitate its nature and be fascinated by it.
Education, as said, was introduced primarily to facilitate the proselytizing project. Since then education is inseparably associated with religion. Richard Haleng lucidly expresses the confusion: “The conversion of the Nagas into Christianity was the greatest revolution in the Naga history, which is more significant and important than British colonialism. It is through Christianization that schools and their institutions sprang up” (26). First, the British colonialism was not only important but also significant. However, secondly, the conversion to Christianity is far more significant; in fact, it is “the greatest revolution in the Naga history.” Perhaps, as an afterthought, Christianization is “the greatest revolution” because it initiates educational institutions. To consider British colonialism “significant and important” is atrociously confusing. Perhaps, Haleng does not understand the politics of colonialism, or he is so blinded by the desire to imitate the West. The phenomenon was once common among the educated peoples of the erstwhile colonial countries. Even Gandhi confesses of how he tries to become like an English gentleman.
We have a common expression: the British brought the “light” of Christianity and education to the Naga. It is interesting (rather, isn’t it pitiable?) to note that we are still using the exact parlance, which the West used to justify their exploitations of other peoples, that is, to bring the “light” of civilization to the barbarous Africans or Asians. Perhaps, it is no more relevant to ask if it is education that brings the “light” than to ask if it is the conversion to Christianity.  However, one cannot help but wonder what brought the “light” to other peoples, the mainland Indians, for instance, or the Manipuris (who are much closer to us) even if they remained Hindus. If it is not for the fact that we are Christians, as far as I am concerned, they are at “higher level” in every field despite their stubbornness in holding on to their religion. We can hardly match up to them in terms of wealth, education, science and technology, arts and philosophy, I think, the list can go on interminably. If there were no ST reservation, to take an obvious example, more than 90 per cent of the Nagas would never have made it to the universities and the central government jobs.
The effects of the ways in which the missionaries employed in their proselytizing effort are manifested in many ways. There are some important methods of nineteenth century and the early twentieth century method of proselytization and homily:
  • First, instilling fear into the minds of the converts (this is vividly depicted in James Joyce’s A Portrait of a Young Man as an Artist.)
  • Second, elevating and differentiating them as the people of God, or simply as those who are saved.
  • Third, renouncing all the ways that could be associated with the former lives of the converts.
In their passion and enthusiasm, the early missionaries often carried the methods too far. To the misfortune of the natives, besides the modus operandi, the missionaries carried with them baggage of prejudiced notions, which doubly fired up their passion in renouncing the culture of the natives.   
Like the West-crazy attitude, the effects are rather embedded than explicit; the effects are highly expressive though. When I was young, elders used to chastise me by invoking the vivid picture of the suffering in hell. “Don’t cry, if you don’t want to burn in hell,” they would say. I used to be silenced immediately. But it seems such threats are not as effective as it used to be. Today it rather takes the form of turning back on our culture. It would not come as a big surprise if one day we awake to find our folklore – folkdance, folksong, folktale, folk-games – vanished or corrupted to the extend of rendering our folk arts and literature worthless (in terms of relating to our past.)
Or it may have taken the form of praising Nagalim as a blessed land when actually we have little to brag about, or to exalt ourselves as God-chosen people like the Jews. Underground leaders take pride in drawing parallel of our struggle to that of the Jews struggle for Canaan thereby identifying themselves with Moses or Joshua while we, the Naga, are the chosen people. Well, I am not sure about that. Our Canaan seems to me not quite promising. In Feb. 1999, about forty years after, Fidel Castro made a speech at the University of Venezuela, Caracas. Castro said, “It would not occur to us today to tell anyone: ‘Make a revolution like ours’” because the most transcendental thing that happened in forty years is that “the world has changed.” “It is time,” Castro asserts, “to fight with ideas, to disseminate ideas” for “A revolution can only be born from culture and ideas” (69).[6] I hope, some day we will have a leader of Castro’s caliber who would understand the reality, the change of time and act according to “the spirit of the time” and who would be capable of resisting India not only physically but also ideologically as Castro has been doing against the most powerful nation in the world, the America.                                
“Forsake your old ways” is yet another still a familiar set phrase among the preachers. These old ways include traditional feasts, rice beer, traditional attires, ornaments, haircuts, in fact, all ways of life that were once associated with our tradition, our culture. The missionaries, for instance, denounced rice beer because rice beer was an important, if not the most significant, part of our life. To these days, alcohol consumption is identified with the ways of the heathens. Alcohol was, and it still is, the most important beverage drink for the White everywhere in the world. In the words of Fürer-Haimendorf, “what wine is to the Italian and whisky to the Scotsman, rice-beer is to the Naga” (48).[7] He elaborates the issue:
Drinkers of rice-beer, the Baptists teach, will burn in hell fire for ever, and the Naga not knowing that since the oldest times wine and beer have been drunk throughout Christendom, eschews his cherished national drink (48).
Social prestige, as Fürer-Haimendorf said, was gained not merely by possessing wealth but by “spending it for the benefit of the community” and thus enabled “smooth redistribution of perishable food” (47). Once Feast of Merit was forbidden, rich people tend to hoard their wealth,
With the community spirit broken, individualism begins to assert itself, and the Western idea of pride in the possession of goods, fostered probably quite unconsciously by the missionaries, replaces the [Naga’s] traditional pride in the lavish expenditure of his wealth.
Fürer-Haimendorf discerns the deleterious consequences that were being perpetrated to the Nagas by having them denounced their traditional practices. He points out few important points. First, an economic issue: the converts were obliged to wear shorts, shirts, blouses, drink tea (“greatly inferior in nutritive value” than rice-beer), sugar and other household goods. The Mission provided them; but since they did not set up any industries or introduce improved agricultural practices, when the Mission abandoned the Nagas, the Nagas were left with a taste for foreign goods but without any means to procure them and without any alternatives other than to fall back again on their traditional methods. Here is perhaps the beginning of imagining the West as the ideal. Second, an artistic issue: churches were built without employing any traditional artistry. And “there is neither incentive nor a scope for the Naga sculptor” (50) or no fresh scope was introduced. Third, a general issue: “Seeing his own customs condemned by the missionaries, he [Nagas] learnt to despise his own tribe and cultural inheritance” (49).
We wonder with Verrier Elwin why colourful Naga dresses, or for that matter, folkdance, folk-arts, folksong, could not be used for the glory of God. “Yet one would think that with little trouble an institution of an essentially social and economic character could have been remodeled so as to be compatible with Christian tenets. Were such adjustments impossible, Europe would have long lost its folk festivals and the Christmas tree would long ago have been condemned as a pagan symbol” (Fürer-Haimendorf 48).[8]
We need not condemn the British for forsaking us, or the missionaries for demolishing our customs. We needed outside help, for ignorance of the outside world had narrowed and stunted our ancestors’ world. We thank the British for bringing western education and the religion. But it is more than hundred years since the “lights” were shown to us. Let the “lights” guide us to some suitable changes to take us to a new world. As Fidel Castro said, Ideas shall be its basic weapons. An idea could be this: that real change will come from within us is something we need to learn and re-learn from our ancestors. To do this, in the first place, we might as well have to unlearn what was taught to us.
            Perhaps we might begin by separating religion from education. Since it is ingrained deep in our psyche, it could be exceedingly hard. For identifying education with religion had begun from the moments of their births. Just as the converts, under the stern eyes of the missionaries, identified their former ways of life with paganism, the supposedly “pagans” identified education with Christianity. That is to say, for the “pagans” going to school was as good as submitting to the new religion, which many of our proud, defiant great grand parents refused to do. For the missionaries came, not to spread education, but to preach different religion, different ways of life and asked to renounce everything that our ancestors valued, believed in, everything that they held dearly for generations; and thus put their whole faith to uncertainty, ambiguity, distrust, insecurity. Certainly, we cannot feel or experience the anguish of “losing one’s religion” (unless some powerful external force, say, the Indian government force us to adopt Hinduism). Anyway, it might help us to imagine such situation.
If we succeed in separating the “lights” (Christianity and education), we might also achieve in isolating religion from politics; perhaps, then, TBL and TBCA differences could never have arisen in the first place; then, we might better understand the reasons why Rev. Michael Scott, a member of the Peace Mission, quoted a renown remark of Ghana’s President Kwame Nkruma “which is inscribed outside the Assembly Hall: ‘Seek ye first the political kingdom, and all things shall be added unto you.’”[9]      
            One significant factor that differentiates us from the “Mayang” is our sense of community living. It was the very fabric of our culture for, above other things, it held our culture intact. What we have now seems to me a vestige of the earlier form, yet it is strong enough to keep us together. If we are convinced that sense of community living is a valuable aspect of our society, it might do us considerable good if we relearn it from our ancestors: they seemed to have understood a desirable purpose of life that we should live together and live together well. That our ancestors live in “constant fear” because they were at “constant war” is a picture projected by the British to justify their rule. Arguably, it was the advent of the British that converted headhunting from a custom to warfare. The sense of community living has been instrumental in maintaining equality among us. Equality most essentially in material possession and that made all the difference. Protection of the equality in wealth and rights enable us to have shared outlook, purpose, manners, etc. However, beginning with the British contact, the sense of community living has been slowly disintegrating and alarmingly in a cumulative process. To understand and safeguard this “sense,” therefore, we must go back to the days of the British and beyond. Only then we may be able to relearn, so to say, redefine the traditional sense of community living according to the needs of our times.   


[1] Gutek, Gerald L. “History of Education.” DVD. Microsoft Encarta Reference Library, 2004.
[2] Amazing Grace. Dir. Michael Apted. Edit. Rick Shane A.C.E. written by Steven Knight. MMVI Walden Media, n.p. 
[3] Ziemke, Earl F. “Second World War.” DVD. Microsoft Encarta Reference Library, 2004.
[4] Elwin, Verrier, ed. The Nagas in the Nineteenth Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969.
[5] Mills, J. P. The Ao Nagas. London: Macmillan and Co., 1926.
[6] Castro, Fidel. On Imperialist Globalization. New Delhi: Leftword Books. 1999.
[7] Fürer-Haimendorf, C. Von. The Naked Nagas. 1939. Kolkatta: n.p. 1962.  
[8] “As early as the 17th century, Germans had transformed this pagan symbol of fertility into a Christian symbol of rebirth. According to legend, the Christmas tree tradition began with the founder of German Protestantism, Martin Luther. While walking through the forest on Christmas Eve, Luther was so moved by the beauty of the starlit fir trees that he brought one indoors and decorated it with candles to remind his children of God’s creation. In 1841 Prince Albert of Germany gave his wife, Queen Victoria of England, a gift of a Christmas tree. This was reputedly the first Christmas tree in England, but the custom spread quickly” (Restad, Penne. “Christmas.” DVD. Microsoft Encarta Reference Library, 2004.).
[9] Ngareophung, Ng. Legacy of Suisa. Ukhrul, 1976. p. 22.

Friday, October 29, 2010

The Height of Hegemony: Plain-Hill Dichotomy in Manipur


Thuingaleng Muivah, the General Secretary of NSCN (I-M), wants to visit his village. And the Manipur Government bars him from dropping in on his own village where he was born and brought up. In the events that ensued, two young students were shot death and many injured and tormented.

Many have drawn attention to the flagrant violation of basic human right here. Everyone, they assert, has the right to visit his or her birth place. But no one, as far as I’m concern, has pointed out the extent to which people in power can flex their muscle. Briefly put, might is right – it was and it still is. The power, in this case, is not only inherent in the Manipur government, but it effectively draws its strength from the central government.   

A journalist friend of mine once said that the Nagas, even if it constitutes a small amount of population, play a significant role in Manipur’s political scene. The Nagas, he argued, have two chief ministers of Manipur. He has a good point. Besides hanging onto for more than one tenure, Rishang Keishing enjoys immense political clout. (“Keishing ruled for over 10 years. Between 1981 and 1986, he was the uninterrupted chief minister. He was re-elected and ruled until 1988. He came back to the hot seat in 1994 and was chief minister until 1997.”) Certainly, Keishing, for that matter other leaders, could have done much more for the Nagas or the tribals just as the Meitei have done for the plain. For instance, Keishing could have created a band of Naga MCS and MPS. Had there been a strong Naga presence in the Manipur’s administrative and executive forces, the Mao gate event could have been a different story. Driven by egoistical interest to remain in power, however, our leaders by way of placating and keeping the Meitei in good humour turn a blind eye to the flagrant besiegement of the government jobs by the Meitei.

We know that 31 per cent of all government jobs in Manipur is reserved for the STs. According to the ATSUM’s Press Statement of 28 Feb, 2008, Education department (second only to Home department in terms of jobs provision) has 3037 STs (25 percent) out of 12140 employees. That is to say, there is a backlog of about 700 ST posts. In the teaching faculty of Manipur University, there were 2 tribal lecturers (or 1.6 percent) out of 121. When Manipur University was converted into Central University, 90 teachers (21 posts of Professor, 26 Readers and 23 Lecturers) were recruited and none of them were tribal. Put differently, when there should be at least 69 tribal teachers in Manipur University, there are only 2 tribals working as a regular teacher. Two others, if I’m not misinformed, are working as guest lecturers; and one of them is retiring as a guest lecturer.
Other departments carry the same dismal story. The State’s Legislative Assembly Secretariat, for instance, has only 24 tribals (or 7 percent) out of the total 305 regular employees. What’s more, almost all of the top posts in all the departments are hogged by the Meitei. Again in Manipur University, of the 45 non-teaching faculty tribal employees, 10 are peons, 7 sweepers, 3 chowkidars and most of the other employees are assistants of various faculties.

The Meitei have long been marginalizing and exploiting the Manipur tribal. The depressing economic condition of the tribal is clearly indicated by the “District Infrastructure Index” (DII) published and prepared by the Ministry of DoNER (Development of North Eastern Region). The DII is based on 7 indicators: transport, energy, water supply, education, health care, communication infrastructure and banking facility. Imphal West District is ranked at the first place among all the 80 districts of the 8 North-East states; Imphal East is at 6th position, Thoubal 11th and Bishnupur 18th. These four districts constitute the Imphal valley inhabited mostly by the Meiteis. The Kukis live in Churachandpur district which is ranked at 76th; the Nagas occupy the other four districts – Senapati placed at 45th, Ukhrul 68th, Tamenglong 75th and Chandel 78th (for detail see Kirti Saxena’s “Facilitating Development.” Yojana – North-East Special Issue. Dec. 2009 Vol. No 53. MIB: New Delhi).  As expected (since education is a good indicator of development), Imphal West has the highest literacy rate at 80.61 percent, but Churachandpur stands at 74.67 percent. In terms of literacy rate, then, the difference between the two districts is negligible, whereas difference in the developmental level of the two is simply phenomenal: if Imphal West has the best infrastructure among the NE districts, Churachandpur has the worst. Talking of laying infrastructure, when National Game of India was held in Manipur in 1999, all the sports infrastructure was laid in the valley. Not a single stadium was built in the hills.

When Muivah is barred from visiting his village, every Naga wonders if no less than Muivah can be thus insulted where does an ordinary Naga stand in Manipur? What is the future of Manipur’s tribal in general? Indeed Nagas give unstinted support to Muivah, but the support is strengthened and intensified primarily by the general feeling of being marginalized and exploited by the Meitei. “If Meiteis get away with this, we will forever live under Meitei’s control,” is the general voice. Let’s face the fact: the popularity of NSCN is at its lowest ebb; the NSCN’s hype of “Goodbye Manipur, Welcome Nagaland” came to utter fiasco and the initial gusto of reuniting with the Nagas of Nagaland is greatly dampened. 

Against this backdrop, Muivah’s visit may be seen as an effort to whip up public’s support and rejuvenate the movement. His visit, so to say, could have implications, but only if it is made to. It could be made into a kind of symbolic victory like Garibaldi’s Red Shirt’s famous entrance into Sicily the success of which marks the beginning of the unification of Italy. However, NSCN hardly made any preparation except for shelling out money here and there. The visit is by no means a “strategically planned” one as Patricia Mukhim claimed in the article “Can Civil Society be Partisan.” Absurd as it may sound, Muivah’s “Welcome Home” plaque is laid side by side with NREGS’ stone at Phungreitang as though attributing them the same extent of achievement just as the White colonial rulers used to equate Indians and dogs when they stick at restaurant’s signboard reading “Indians and dogs are not allowed.” Above all, there is no sign of reformation among the NSCN and any concrete effort to reduce corruption. In a talk on Kashmir problem at Gwyer Hall, a Lt. Colonel said that the idea of pumping money into Nagaland is to soften the insurgents. “Between you and me,” he said, “We’re closing in on them. Made docile with money, NE insurgency is not a problem.” As Nandita Haksar said the GOI’s counter-insurgency strategy in the guise of Cease Fire is proceeding as India planned. Truly, corruption has caught up on every organizations and departments. Had Muivah visited, he would have a lot of explanations to do; perhaps, he would have come home a discomfiting figure.

Knowingly, the Home Ministry Affair asked the Manipur government to provide necessary protection to Muivah in his home-coming. It’s beyond me to see in this act any relationship between the so-called Manipur’s “territorial integrity” and “Greater Nagalim.” However, apparently Manipur government perceived it as Central government’s endorsement to Naga’s claim for “Greater Nagalim.” Aya A. Shimray sees it as O Ibobi Singh’s political gimmick “to divert the attention and consolidate his political chair by drumming up the issue of territorial integrity”:
Already, Ibobi’s prospect of clinging to the CM post appears to be in jeopardy with all employees of the state up in arms for 6th Pay Commission arrears and the tribals of Manipur demanding for re-amendment to Autonomous District Council Act. All developmental works in the state has come to a grinding halt due to these protests and a change of political leadership was quite imminent.
When Union home secretary GK Pillai was asked on a national news channel about the Manipur situation, he simply said that the Centre did not foresee any uncalled-for situation by allowing Muivah visit his birthplace. Perhaps, Pillai does not foresee it or perhaps everything was contrived. Whatever the reason is, the central government has easily reduced years of struggle for Naga sovereignty to that of Naga integrity. And Naga integrity is even made to look like a mammoth task. Art 3 of Indian Constitution clearly states that Parliament may by law form a new state, increase or diminish the area of any State, alter the boundaries or name of any state. Had the central government willed, so to say, Manipur state could be redrawn. And it could have easily preempted Manipur government’s effort to bar Muivah’s visit.

The issue of Muivah’s visit, as I’ve said, is almost negligible but Meiteis under Ibobi by successfully making a mountain out of a molehill show that Manipur is absolutely ruled by them, that they can even restrict the movement of any Manipur tribal at their own sweet will. In order to make their interest looks like common interest, they even pull in the support of many Kuki organizations. Ibobi’s government incites communal feelings by mentioning that Muivah is a criminal who has massacred many Kukis during the Naga-Kuki conflict. One Kuki organization was so inspired to go to the extent of asking a preposterous demand – if Muivah come to Manipur with all the Kukis killed in the Naga-Kuki clash, they would readily roll out red carpet to him. Even God would only wake the dead in the Judgment Day. In the Naga-Kuki conflict, many Kukis were indeed killed by the Nagas; similarly, many Nagas were also killed by the Kukis.

In fact, there are many similarities between the Nagas and the Kukis. And so were their differences huge. We may put it this way: there are as many similarities and differences between the Nagas and the Kukis as there are similarities and differences between the different Naga tribes. Owing to their similarities, British ethnographers fail to ascribe some tribes as the Kukis or the Nagas. The Kukis, for instance, practiced the Feasts of Merit, headhunting, Morung system (most like the Sema); their religious belief was similar to what many Nagas believed, now they are Christians like the Nagas; their rituals, festivals, dresses, ornaments, etc. are in many ways similar to but also different from what many Naga tribes practiced, so are there striking differences among the Nagas as there are similarities. If the wound of Naga-Kuki would not heal, despite the similarities of their culture and interest, it is because Meiteis have been smoothly playing divide and rule policy by setting the tribes against each other so that they can perpetuate their domination over the tribals. The result is of course the accumulation of wealth in the plain and the widespread poverty in the hills.

Since the State’s apparatuses are at the hand of the Meiteis, they would employ, for instance, State’s military and police forces when it serves their interest. Hearing Muivah’s plan to visit, the State’s military and police forces were swiftly deployed to block the entry of the Naga leader. However, when Kuki or Naga villages were burnt during the ethnic clash, the State’s forces took days to reach to the site of incident. Interestingly, among the four police officers deployed at strategic points such as Mao Gate and Jessami village in Ukhrul district, three were Kukis: IPS, L.Kailun, IPS and Clay Khongsai, IPS under the direct supervision of V. Zathang, IPS, IG (Law & Order). The stratagem seems to be this: if any untoward incident happens, Nagas would know whom to blame. Besides, the Government has allotted “designated camps” to Kuki underground as per cease-fire agreement at strategic places – one at Chassad near Kamjong and another at Gwalthabi near Yaiangpokpi (both inside Ukhrul District). As said keeping the Nagas and the Kukis at loggerheads serve their interest and the Meitei ingenuously finds the means of planting bones of contention between the tribes.

Meitei would raise hue and cry when a Meitei is killed; meanwhile, many tribals’ deaths have gone unnoticed. When Th Kishen, a Meitei SDO (Kasom Khullen), was brutally murdered the whole valley boiled with rage. Strikes were organized and ban imposed for days. And the deceased family was amply compensated. Many tribal officers have also been killed and their deaths have largely been slighted. Thangthom (DIG of Manipur police) was murdered by a Meitei underground; one day’s strike was organized. Major Shimreingam Shaiza (Retd. Major of Bihar Regiment) was also killed when Manipur’s police commando sprayed bullets at his car without any provocation. There was hardly any display of public rage against the excesses of the underground outfits or the commandoes in the both cases. Now, Shaiza’s widow is living off his pension. It won’t come as a surprise if Thangthom’s widow meets the same fate, that is, unlike the fate of Kishen’s widow who is made an SDO (herself).

Another stratagem to eat away the tribal’s power and rights and to gradually drive into their hands, the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council (Third Amendment) Act was enacted by the Manipur Legislative Assembly in 2008. Some insidious provisions include, enabling non-tribal not only the right to vote but stand as a member of the District Council; empowering the District Council to acquire lands, sell the land to non-tribals and manage any forest as they deem right; empowering “the District Council to recommend legislation on the matters of inheritance of property, marriage and divorce and social custom”; investing the power into the hands of government to legislate on matters relating to the appointment or succession of village chiefs (for detail see www.npmhr.org).

Besides repressive forces Meiteis spread their value system through media. Recognizing the potency of cinema, filming Hindi movie is banned in Imphal. The local film industry is booming. Manipuri films (in which Meitei’s lifestyle and value system are demonstrated as worth emulating) are hugely popular in the hills. Indeed many tribals take pride in speaking impeccable Manipuri. Owing to these years of domination, Meiteis are far ahead of the tribals in almost every field. With their superior presence in the media and power sharing, it is not surprising if the Meitei win people’s sympathy even in the outcome of Mao Gate incident. In the CNN-IBN interview with the spokesperson of NSF, the two anchors reiterated the sufferings of the people in the plain because of the road blockage. In reality, the hills suffered much more. Imphal is literally the centre of Manipur from where every commodity is distributed. Right after the blockage, no commodity was allowed to take out of the valley. Long before the valley faced the shortage of essential commodities, the stock of goods had already run out in the hills.

I’m not trying to paint the Meitei as black and the tribal as white. It may also be pointed that Meiteis constitute about 55 percent of the state’s population, and they live in the Imphal valley along with Pangal (Muslims), Nepalis, Bengalis. Therefore, identifying the plain with the Meitei is not entirely appropriate. Nevertheless in matters of development there is certainly a Plain-Hill dichotomy. If different groups of people are to co-exist, equal opportunity should be provided.   For a start, since the tribals make up 34.2 percent of the total population, the reservation policy of allocating 31 percent to the tribals could be implemented in letters and spirit.